A fifth amendment called for the bill to be amended to take note of the Sewel Convention, which stipulates that Parliament should not legislate on de decentralised issues without the agreement of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly and the Stormont Assembly in Northern Ireland. publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill/58-01/0001/20001.pdf Northern Ireland: The bill gives the necessary powers to implement the provisions of the revised protocol for Northern Ireland, which is the most significant change from Mrs May`s original agreement with the EU. Nevertheless, the peers decided not to continue the fight with the Commons and agreed to let the law pass. MEPs debated key areas of the law at second reading on Monday (January 13th). Among the participants were the opposition spokesman for leaving the EU and the president of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords. He said there was no point in legislating until the UK reached an agreement with the EU on the figures to come. Ministers say they support the Dubs amendment principle, but the Brexit act is not the right way to do so. On July 24, 2018, the government presented a white paper on the bill and how legislation works.  The bill was first introduced by the government at the second session stagnated on 21 October 2019 by the government, entitled “A Bill to Implement, and make other provision in connection with, the agreement between the United Kingdom and the EU under Art 50, paragraph 2 of the Treaty on European Union which sets the arrangements for the rekingdom from the EU”.  This bill was not discussed further after second reading in the House of Commons on October 22, 2019, and passed on November 6, when Parliament was dissolved in preparation for the 2019 general election. On January 22, 2020, the law was passed by the House of Lords without further amendment. The next day she obtained royal approval.   Boris Johnson`s Brexit Act is only one step away from the law after it has completed its adoption by Parliament.
The October MDM contained a provision (paragraph 31) that would have created a structure for Parliament to monitor negotiations on future EU relations. This provision could, in turn, have led Members to seek, for example, the agreement of Members on the government`s negotiating mandate, which could have led to a strengthening of control by parliamentary committees. The decision not to include section 31 in the BMS shows that the government does not want to be bound by legal requirements to obtain the agreement of the Commons at certain stages of the negotiations.